RJD chief Lalu Prasad Yadav during
IBN Dialogue Bihar 2.0 organised by Network18 Group on 11th September, asked
his audience, mostly youth, in his usual rhetorical way, “Do you believe in
casteism?" and the reply came :
"No". Lalu paraphrased his question: "Is caste relevant or
not?" and reply came "No, caste is irrelevant." Also
one girl remarked, "You are doing casteism." He took
recourse to the late socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia and said “No, I
am not doing casteism, rather I am taking up the cause of socially and
economically marginalised sections of society."
Marcus aurelius, a roman emperor has truly
said that “everything we hear is an opinion, not the fact and
everything we see is perspective, not the truth”. So my dear youths of India
the ground reality is that the discrimination based on caste still deeply rooted
in our society. The wordy opposition to caste in respect of some
generalized condemnation of caste surely leaves the existing structure almost
intact. Why not our society is allowing inter-caste marriages? Why our
society is still enquiring the caste before renting a room to a needy
one? Why our society has different living areas for different
castes? Why Muslim area, Dalit area, Brahmin area?
Talking about Ram Manohar Lohia who argues that
there are three kinds of opposition to caste order. First, there are ones who
believe in the wordy opposition to caste like Nehruvian liberals, the
communists and the Praja Socialist Party. Second, there are those who believe
in partial opposition to caste by the Sudras like the DK politics in South
during his time or Yadava politics of the North during our time. Third, there
are those who believe in a wholesale opposition to caste order. Lohia prefers
the third alternative as the first two groups are basically hypocrites. Any
other social and political attempt to do away the caste inequalities is
condemned as “casteist”. He prefers a broad‐based opposition to
caste involving Dalits, Sudras, Muslims and women who are all victims of caste‐based hypocritical
politics.
Followers of Lohia who surrendered his manifold
criticism of caste into the sectional politics of Sudras in North India through
the Samajwadi Party of Mulyam Singh Yadav and the Rashtriya Janata Dal of Laloo
Prasad Yadav. Lohia’s attempts in characterising such partial elevation of
Sudras in South India should not be forgotten. He criticizes the Sudra politics
in South for being concerned with “partial elevation” of Sudras, for alienating
itself from Dalits, women, backward Muslims and Adivasis and for not showing
interest in carrying out the agenda of destruction of caste system. So
sectional elevation brings about some changes within the caste system, but
leaves the basis of castes unaltered. Finally, a true struggle
against caste is concerned with elevation of all rather than one or the other
section of lower castes. This struggle aims to pitchfork the five downgraded
groups such as women, Sudras, Dalits, backward caste Muslims and Adivasis, into
positions of leadership, irrespective of their merit as it stands today.
To end caste, social measures like mixed
dinners, and inter‐caste marriages and economic measures like “land to the
tiller” from among the lower castes must be encouraged. Women’s issues like fetching drinking water from distant areas or
building of lavatories for women in rural areas must be resolved, apart from
the distribution of property to press for women’s rights. Discussions, plays,
and fairs should be organized. Even, in government jobs there should be
reservation for those who marry outside their caste. This is a sure way of
breaking caste barriers. The socialists must make all efforts towards the
destruction of caste order among Hindus and non‐Hindus. While
Lohia’s critique of caste must be
distinguished from his followers in electoral field today, his alternative
model merely relies on state action for equality and justice.